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Issues In Perspective - October 29 & 30
October 29 & 30
Perspective One

IRAQ: THE CONSTITUTION AND SYRIA


The election to ratify the Iraqi Constitution is over and the Iraqi people have approved their Constitution.  This paves the way for a vote on 15 December on candidates for a permanent assembly.  The assembly will then select Iraq’s first-ever democratic and representative government.  When 2006 begins, Iraq will become the Arab world’s first democracy.  One of the greatest threats to Iraq right now is the border with Syria, from which foreign terrorists come into Iraq.  Let’s put these two developments together — the Constitution and the growing instability within Syria.

• First, a thought on the historical significance of the Constitution’s vote.  The turnout for the vote was greater than the vote for a provisional legislature in January of this year.  This was no doubt swelled by the greater participation by Sunnis within the country.  Another significant aspect of this vote is that the security provided for the election was provided mainly by Iraqi police and soldiers, where US troops did so in January.  The Iraqi forces did so despite all the terrorist threats and the increased pressure and violence in September.  The success of this vote guarantees Iraqis the right to vote and worship as they please.  When we remember that the split within Iraq is Sunni, Shiite and Kurd, the significance of this vote is heightened.  The success of this election also demonstrates that in terms of raw numbers the jihadists have little support among ordinary Iraqis.  Quite frankly, they do not have the sympathy of the local population.  As George Melloan has observed, “As the Iraqis assume greater and greater responsibility for the nation’s security, it will be harder for terrorists to preserve the anonymity they have enjoyed while fighting US and British troops who don’t speak Arabic.”
• Second, how exactly are the Iraqi people doing?  As Michael Rubin has argued, “Even without consensus, the constitution represents the type of social and political compromise lacking throughout the Arab world.  Members of the Constitutional Drafting Commission and Iraqi power brokers spent months debating and canvassing constituents.  Any politician living outside the US- controlled green zone. . . had his parlor filled with Iraqis from different cities and of various ethnic and sectarian backgrounds until the early hours of the morning.  These Iraqi petitioners voiced interests and demands diametrically opposed to each other.  Consensus was not always possible, but compromise was.  As with the constitution, the nature of compromise is a result ideal to none but fair to all.”  Rubin concludes that “The referendum result again demonstrates that American policy-and opinion-makers are more pessimistic than are Iraqis.”  The Point:  Do not count car bombers or lack thereof as a sign of progress.  What then are some of those signs of progress?  (1)  Before the war, about one in six Iraqis fled Iraq.  Today, several hundred thousand have returned.  It is only the Christians that are still leaving Iraq.  Iraq is re-settling refugees.  (2)  The Iraqi currency—the dinar—is freely traded on international currency markets and is stable.  (3)  Today Iraqi people are buying real estate.  Property prices, Michael Rubin shows, have skyrocketed.  “Decrepit homes in Sadr City, a Shiite slum on the outskirts of Baghdad, can cost as much as $45,000.”  In September there were 40 buildings nine stories or higher under construction in Sulaymani.  Five years ago there were none.  Iraqis seem confident that the government will protect their investment.  (4)  Pepsi has built a plant in Iraq, which produces their main soft drink.  Coca-Cola will soon follow suit.  Turkish investors in partnership with local Iraqis have built modern hotels in Basra.  Rubin concludes:  “Political brinkmanship devoid of context breeds panic.  Beheadings and blood sell copy, but do not accurately reflect Iraq.  Political milestones give a glimpse of the often-unreported determination that Iraqis and longtime visitors see daily . . . The referendum, refugee return, real estate and investment show much more accurately and objectively—Iraq’s slow but steady progress.” 
• Finally, a word about Syria.  The UN investigation into the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has been handed over to Secretary General Kofi Annan.  The head of the investigative team was German prosecutor, Detlev Mehlis.  The report cites “converging evidence” of both Lebanese and Syrian involvement in the murder.  The report shows that the murder was planned months in advance and “was institutional not the act of an individual.”  Syria’s President, Bashar al-Assad’s brother-in-law, Assef Shawkat, the head of military intelligence, was named a suspect, as is former Military intelligence chief of Lebanon, Rustom Ghazaleh.  The complicity of Syria in this assassination will further isolate Syria.  The US is already calling for sanctions against Syria and has even hinted at some form of military retaliation—covert or overt.  The government of Bashar al-Assad is in trouble.  It cannot ignore these facts and its complicity in terrorism—in Lebanon, in Iraq and in aiding Hezbollah--is well known.  But to be charged with complicity in the assassination of an important Lebanese politician is serious business.  There are some who are even questioning whether Assad can survive this charge.  The conundrum is that no one sees the future and the elimination of Assad could produce political chaos in Syria.  No one knows what kind of government would replace Assad—would it more fanatical or more moderate according to Middle Eastern standards?  The point is that Syria is now in a most politically volatile situation.  How it survives this volatility will have implications for Iraq as well.

See Melloan’s editorial in the Wall Street Journal (18 October 2005) and Michael Rubin’s most helpful essay in the same issue; Michael Young’s summary of the Mehlis report in the Wall Street Journal (21 October 2005).

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Perspective Two

THE TRUTH ABOUT CHAIRMAN MAO

 

The founder and Chairman of the Communist Party of the People’s Republic of China has always been regarded as a hero and Chinese patriot.  But recently, more evidence has been forthcoming that he was a perverted butcher, not a nationalist hero.  A new book, entitled Mao: The Unknown Story by Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, reveals the depths of  this perversion and butchery.  A recent review of the book by Nicolas D. Kristof provides a salient summary of the truth about Mao.  Several summary thoughts:

1. The authors assert that Mao was not in fact a founding member of the Chinese Communist Party and that the Party in those early years (1920 to 1929) was entirely under the thumb of the Russians.  Mao became the leader, not because he rose through the ranks of the Party, but because Moscow chose him. 

2. One of the most treasured myths of the Party is the Long March—the flight from the dangerous east coast to the refuge of the northwest.  Part of the legend is the incredible courage and determination of Mao as he led the March.  Chang and Halliday demonstrate that they escaped from the east only because Chiang Kai-shek deliberately allowed them to escape.  They also demonstrate that Mao did not even walk most of the March—he was carried.  He wrote:  “On the march, I was lying in a litter.  So what did I do?  I read.  I read a lot.”  Chang and Halliday also reveal that the infamous battle of the March—at Dadu Bridge—was actually a complete fabrication!

3. Mao welcomed the Japanese invasion of China and, the authors show, actually collaborated with them.  He did so all in an effort to undermine the Chinese Nationalists under Chiang.

4. The unbelievable butchery of Mao is also clearly revealed in this book.  He used the Korean War as a chance to slaughter former Nationalist soldiers.  When peasants were starving in the 1950s, he observed, “Educate peasants to eat less, and have more thin gruel.  The State should try its hardest. . . to prevent peasants from eating too much.”  While in Moscow, he offered to sacrifice 300 million Chinese!

5. Chang and Halliday also demonstrate convincingly that the Great Leap Forward led to the worst famine in world history in the late 1950s and early 1960s.  Estimates are as high as 38 million of the number who died in this famine.  His brutality also was manifested at a personal level.  In the mid-1970s, his trusted confidante, Zhou Enlai, was suffering from cancer.  Mao refused to allow him to get treatment—wanting Zhou to be the one who would die first.  He declared, “Operations are ruled out for now.  Absolutely no room for argument.”  So, Zhou died in early 1976, before Mao did.

6. In all, the authors estimate that Mao was directly responsible for over 70 million deaths in China.  If this is an accurate figure—and that is difficult to corroborate—Mao was the worst butcher in all of history.

The value of a biography like this is that it places Mao in an important context.  Mao was responsible for creating the modern nation state of China—the one with which the US today is competing so furiously in trade and influence.  But Mao rode to power on the bodies of millions of Chinese and remained in power by his relentless attempts to purge the Party, the Red Army and the government.  He was a megalomaniac who butchered millions.  He is hardly a hero; he is a modern monster.  Now he knows the depths of his butchery, and one day he will stand before Almighty God at the Great White Throne where his crimes will be laid bare.  At that point there will be no mercy for him.  He will receive justice—not from the historians who write about his perversion but from Almighty God.

See Nicholas Kristof’s most helpful review in the New York Times Book Review (23 October 2005).

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Perspective Three

HYPOCRISY IN JOURNALISM AND LAW SCHOOLS

 

David Horowitz has done us all a favor.  A former radical turned conservative, Horowitz has been probing the hypocrisy of the leftwing frontiers of our culture.  He has recently probed the faculties of journalism and law schools throughout the US.  His findings are telling.

• First of all, Horowitz, who is president of the Center for the Study of Popular Culture, analyzed the political affiliations of the faculty at 18 elite journalism and law schools.  Columnist John Tierney summarizes his findings:  “By checking all the party registrations he could find, he concluded that Democrats outnumber Republicans by 8 to 1 at the law schools, with the ratio ranging from 3 to 1 at Penn to 28 to 1 at Stanford.”  Only one journalism school, the University of Kansas, had preponderance of Republicans (10 to 8).  At the rest of the schools he studied, there was a 6 to 1 ratio of Democrats to Republicans.
• Second, as Tierney argues, “Some academics try to argue that their political ideologies don’t affect the way they teach, which to me is proof of how detached they’ve become from reality in their monocultures.”  What is the result of their political affiliations?  When you have a press corps that is heavily Democratic—“more than 80 percent, according to some surveys of Washington journalists”—they tend to do stories that reflect Democratic interests.  Listen again to Tierney, “When journalists do exposes of government malfeasance, they usually focus on the need for more regulations and bigger budgets, not on whether the government should be doing the job in the first place.”  In short, for the liberal Democrat, government is always seen as the solution to right most wrongs.  Rarely is the question asked, “Should government be doing this in the first place?” 
• Finally, this political reality reflects where most higher education institutions are today.  Many do not even see this as a problem.  “They keep meticulous tabs on race and gender and ethnic background of their students and faculty.”  But the absence of any semblance of political diversity is not even on their radar screen.  That reality therefore reflects a deeply ingrained hypocrisy and thoroughgoing inconsistency.  That is ethically wrong, and it is a profound shame. 

See Tierney’s editorial in the New York Times (11 October 2005).

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