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Issues In Perspective - December 16 & 17
December 16 & 17
Perspective One

THE SUPREME COURT RULES

Late Tuesday evening (12 December), the US Supreme Court handed down its decision on the recount mess in Florida and the Constitutional issues associated with the case. Let's think about this situation and the related issues:

First, quite critically, seven of the Justices argued that the manner of the Florida recount violated the equal protection and due process clauses of the Constitution. What do they mean?

The use of "differing substandards for determining voter intent in different counties employing similar voting systems" raises serious concerns about treating each Florida voter the same, i.e., each voter does not have equal protection, nor is each voter guaranteed due process. This it seems to me is the core of the Court's decision: Seven justices believed that what was going on in Florida with so many varied methods for recounting was not fair and violated the US Constitution. Therefore, the Court struck down the Florida Supreme Court's ruling that ordered a recount of select undervotes in Florida counties.

Furthermore, the US Supreme Court's same seven justices argued that the Florida statute governing elections demanded that "any controversy or contest that is designed to lead to a conclusive selection of electors be completed by December 12. The date is upon us, and there is no recount procedure in place under the State Supreme Court's order that comports with minimal constitutional standards." The disagreement among these seven justices was not over the constitutional problem, they agreed on the equal protection issue. Instead, the issue was the remedy.

Two of the seven, Justices Souter and Breyer, believed that the US Supreme Court should allow the Florida Supreme Court to create an equal protection and due process standard for counting the undervotes and give them a chance to do so before next Monday, 18 December (when the Electoral College votes). Five of the justices (Rehnquist, Scalia, Thomas, O'Connor, Kennedy) believed that such a recount could not occur in this time frame and also, because the 12 December date had already passed, it was legally questionable whether such a recount could now proceed anyway. Therefore, these five in effect prohibited such a recount to proceed, even if it met what Breyer and Souter were saying. Thus, the decision is a major victory for George W. Bush and a major defeat for Al Gore.

Second, we must the meaning of the concept, "judicial activism." It is a concept that has been used quite frequently throughout this debacle. What exactly does it mean? To understand this concept is to give focus to one of the central concepts of our Constitution the Separation of Power. Simply put, the legislature (Congress) is to make law, the executive (The President, his Cabinet and the bureaucracy) is to execute or carry out the law and the judiciary (the Supreme Court and other federal courts) are to interpret the law. When the judiciary "makes' law and thereby usurps the legislative power, it is acting in an activist manner. Thus, allowing the judiciary to "make" law violates the separation of power and in effect makes the judiciary "more equal" than the other two branches. (This is what the Supreme Court did in Roe v. Wade [1973] and many other cases during the Warren Court of the 1960s). One cannot concentrate such power uniquely in the judiciary! What the US Supreme Court did was to interpret the order of the Florida Supreme Court and explain what the Constitution says on this issue and how it applies to the issues of equal protection and due process. The US Supreme Court justices are not acting as judicial activists; instead, they are explaining and applying the Constitution to this difficult election.

Third, this election has been a national civics lesson! As I explained on an earlier program, this election demonstrates the supreme value of the Electoral College. Our founders created a federal system in which the states and the national government share power. The Electoral College demonstrates the importance of the states and their critical role, large and small, in choosing the president. When you look at a map of the counties in this election, one sees that the popular vote of only a handful of major cities is almost equal to the entire rest of the country. The founders understood that the president must be elected by a system that preserves not simply the most votes but the votes that represent all regions, all states and all facets of the nation. A simple popular vote will not do that!

Again, an analysis of the nation's counties demonstrates that the Electoral College powerfully distributes power and influence to the states and maximizes their role in the election of the president. Finally, this election has demonstrated the nature of America as a democratic-republic, not a pure democracy. A republic is where the citizens elect representatives who in turn make law. Furthermore, it is the virtue of the representatives that make a republic work. That is why we hold our representatives to accountability and demand virtue and integrity from them. We have seen by negative example what a lack of virtue in a republic can do.

My prayer is that these civics lessons will be mastered by the American people that they understand the wisdom of the Electoral College, that they understand the nature of our democratic-republic and that they understand the role virtue and integrity play in our republic. Perhaps God is His mercy will use this crisis to teach us much about the need for character and virtue from our leaders.

 

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Perspective Two

EHUD BARAK RESIGNS

Ehud Barak's surprise resignation as Israel's prime minister is probably designed to improve his chances for re-election early next year. Voting will now take place in February, instead of May. Under current law, only members of parliament are able to run for prime minister in this special election. Benjamin Netanyahu, the former prime minister, is Barak's greatest threat politically in Israel and he gave up his parliamentary seat in 1999. Thus he cannot run! The Likud party's current leader, Ariel Sharon, almost certainly will run as Barak's opponent. How should we think about this?

Whatever the election matchup, the voting will largely be a referendum on the conduct of the peace talks with the Palestinians. Most Israelis still believe in a negotiated peace, but there is uneasiness over Barak's management of the negotiations, especially the Camp David talks breakdown and the subsequent Palestinian revolt. If Arafat would bring the revolt under control, it could lead to Barak's re-election. If not, polls show, Barak will be blamed for the violence and the Israeli voters may again turn to the Likud party, which is more hostile to negotiating with Arafat.

Although conceptually the Oslo-Camp David formula still contains the most promising elements for a permanent agreement, the Palestinians have so unanimously rejected the Oslo framework that it is doubtful Arafat can sell the accord to his people. He has not prepared them for compromise and the current violence makes any kind of compromise impossible. Furthermore, Barak is already under fire in Israel for having offered too many concessions at Camp David, especially his ground-breaking decision to allow split sovereignty over parts of East Jerusalem. It will be difficult for him to go several symbolic steps further as well. Hence, deadlock!??!

In short, at least for the near future, the violence will continue, there will be no further movement on negotiations until at least the February elections in Israel and a new prime minister is elected. Furthermore, if it is Barak, he will need to go slowly on the issue of concessions. If it is a Likud member Sharon or Netanyahu, if the election laws are changed any meaningful negotiations with the Palestinians seem unlikely! The Bible encourages us to keep our eyes on the Middle East. We see a seemingly impossible situation that only God can settle and the Scripture declares that He will. We await His return in the person of Jesus to do that!

See New York Times editorial page (11 December 2000) and The Economist (2 December 2000), pp. 18, 45-46.

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